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are your percentage chances that the u.s. will eventually end up like greece? >> well, look, if i could just answer that, i'm an optimist on america. i believe in america. i'd buy it, you know, if america was a publicly-traded company, i'd buy the stock every day. this country and this economy is tremendously resilient. and one of the great things, i think, about our book is it's got ideas that require action in washington, it's also at state level, individual level and there's some business and corporate level. so, you know, what are the odds? i would, you know, i'm an on the optimist. i would say we will get back to growth. >> kevin? >> the oecd, which is an organization that studies large, developed nations just did a big study to try to identify how big the policy challenges facing the nations around the world are. and they estimated something called the fiscal adjustment, and the fiscal adjustment for greece that they need -- which is either the immediate tax increase or the immediate reduction in spending necessary to make it so that their economy doesn't just explode is about 3%
. italy, spain, portugal, greece and ireland, hungry are in terrible shape. serious terrible shape. and because some folks don't pay attention to numbers, here's a chance for a statistic to help. students of mine, professors who came to the united states to study the universities where i taught. now professors at the university of acton, major universities increased. today their salaries as we speak are 40 percent less than what they were in may of 2010. try to imagine yourself in a job that you've kept in which the money you get every week is 40% less. police, fire, school teachers, social workers, you name it. .. governments in france and germany have been very frightened since they too are facing an economic crisis and they too are trying to solve it by making demands of their people to pay for something we come in to. they have chosen to use a very dangerous strategy particularly warm germany and the strategy goes like this. we the government are your friends, you the german working-class, because we are not going to allow you to be made to pay for those lazy southern european
and stalin of -- >> dividing up -- >> yeah, the british will get 90% of greece. the russians get 90% of bulgaria, and hungary, and divide it up that way. it was pretty cynical. but when roosevelt dies, in april of '45, his last telegram to churchill was, we always have these minor disafremonts with the russians about we end up resolving them so let's not make a big deal. no reason we can't maintain friendship after the war. when truman gets in there in 1945, april 12, he immediately takes a different course. roosevelt's alliance with the wartime alliance with the soviets was still very strong at that point. but truman turns to advisers who roosevelt never trusted in the first place, didn't pay any heed to, people like burns. the second day of the 13th -- burns in south carolina, a private plane, and as -- burns gives them same message, the soviets are break all their agreements. they cannot trusted, and within two weeks the u.s. policy tornado the soviet union is going to change in april of 1945. by the time there's that big meeting on april 23rd with molotov and april 23rd, the uni
into the southern belly of the nazi empire, italy and the balkans, regaining greece which is a tremendous story. everyone talks about eastern europe. as an outsider i see what about the british when they went back into greece in 1944 and started bombing the streets of athens and killing the people, the communist resistors that fought against the nazis. the british were ruthless. that is another point. people say look at what stalin did in poland. he broke the altar. i don't believe they did. i will tell you more about that. look what the british did. but we did increase in the cold war period, the early cold war period we and the truman doctrine of 47 to 49, we had american advisers and early vietnam there were already over increase read the the british coal is truly to get back the mediterranean, along the region's coming get iran back in the conflict in iran in 1945. beyond that, it's crucial. we showed that in the beautiful maps. he gets to the far east and it is the richest resources around known to britain, not us. so then it isn't -- you can't dhaka the u.s. soviet relations without talki
and stalin in october of 44. dividing up -- the british forget 90% of greece and the russians would get 90% of bulgaria and hungary and they divided up that way. it was pretty cynical. but when roosevelt dies, in april of 45, his last telegram to churchill was, we always have these minor disagreements with the russians but we end up resolving them. so let's not make a big deal. there's no reason we can't maintain friendship after the war. when truman gets in there on april 12, 1945, immediately takes a different course. roosevelts alliance with the wartime alliance with the soviets was still strong at that point the truman turns to advisers who roosevelt never trusted in the first place and didn't pay heed to. people like burns and second day he flies burns through his private plane and burns gets german the same message. the soviets are breaking all of their agreements and they can't be trusted. and so what we are going to see is within two weeks the u.s. policy toward the soviet union's going to change in april 1945. by the time there's the big meeting on april 23 with molotov and on apr
and the year rose own economy. we might not be in worse shape than greece but when you take germany and everybody else and put them in one community we are in worse shape than they are and we get the benefit of the doubt. we are the safe haven and people think that everything is okay because they know that we aren't going to defend because you can print money. when they realize printing is worse than defaulting because the potential for the loss is even greater then we are going to see a big spike in the interest rates and that is when we have our crisis because either the fed allows the rates to go up, and who knows how high they might have to go. let's say 10 percent in order to stop the implosion of the dollar and put an end to inflation. if we have a $20 trillion national debt when that happens that would require us to shell out $2 trillion a year of interest payments. where are we going to get that? that all of the tax. >> you mentioned the creditors. who are the creditors? especially for the united states right now. >> some are other americans who own treasury and large insura
becoming greece, no real reduction in our deficit or our debt. the good news, senator mccain, is that we're one big deal away from dominating the 21st century because america's problems are really less than most other places. the bad news is that that deal is elusive, it requires presidential leadership, and i haven't seen much of it, and if we say on the course we're on today, we're going to lose the american dream because your grandchildren and your children cannot pay off the debt you're about to pass on to them. so in about two months, round two begins and we will be asked to raise the debt ceiling. trust me, i don't want to default on our obligations, but in august of 2011, we borrowed $2.1 trillion because we ran out of money and 42 cents of every dollar we spend is borrowed money. if you don't keep borrowing, you will have to cut the government by 42%. nobody suggests that that's a good idea overnight. but here's what i won't do. i won't continue borrowing money unless we address in the process what got us into debt to begin with. so when we have to raise the debt ceiling again, i
agree come you both, do you agree with angela merkel's insistence on austerity for greece, spain and italy? >> austerity, yes. the definition of how much. but there's no way you can deal with that problem without a substantial degree of austerity in cases where they have excesses and bubbles and various parts of the economy and deficiencies. you can't sustainably bail them out without basically quid pro quo. on the other hand, let me say you can expect them to maintain austerity and less they're going to get -- that there will be some action. or within a definite period. and this is where kind of the rubber meets the road. everybody i think understands that, let's not call austerity, but you need very discipline policy by the borrower. unity willingness to lend on a part of the creditors. accreditors don't quite trust the borrower's. the borrowers don't quite trust the creditors that they will provide the money. so they don't do this on a grand scale. they do it, comes to kind of a, they differ too much. say, we'll go in for another three months. then a few months later they come
? and there is not enough evidence for that yet to be concerned about it. well, yes. in individual countries it may. greece, you see the rise. but you don't see it and those corestates of global capitalism yet. and it's hard to see how those versions would offer that. it's not impossible given this crisis becoming deeper and deeper, but it's hard to say after that. >> hi. i have a question about the visibility of capitalism. here in the united states, individual freedom and restraint. for a long time we just like to talk about the market and a propensity of individuals to exchange. in the fifties it was called a free enterprise system. it's almost as a people who were part of the capitalist, "one mysterious death this recent crisis has suddenly made it difficult in the way it has not done quite enough of. so many people in america where they talk about how they kind of crony capitalism took over the natural capitalism. just let it loose again. everybody gets a fair shake. everything will work all right. being able to see something, a system about using gives. reproduce itself. [inaudible] [inaudible] that
or the interests of the nobles should govern the affairs of men since these questions convulsed greece and rome. he was looking back at greece and rome in the way we look back at the founding to try to figure out how much of this division, how much of the divided opinion is natural, how much is unnatural, and how do you manage and try to do what you can with what we have. and his answer, wonderfully, was in theory he would want to go back to monticello. you know those wonderful quotations, we all know them. oh, if i could only be with my books and at my farm and at my family in the peace and respite of possibility cello. well, you know, the road was open. he could have gone. new york, philadelphia, williamsburg, richmond, paris, london, hold and, i mean, he was everywhere the action was. he was irresistibly drawn to it. because as a young man he'd entered into what he called the bold and doubtful election between submission and the sword. the american revolution shaped him and grabbed him in the way few historical events, i think, have grabbed any generation or any man. i think he thought of the re
's called greece. that is whether trade minister said. they are not serious about welfare. they're not serious about the deficit. they are not a serious party, and everyone can see it. >> thank you very much, mr. speaker. will the prime minister join me as i'm sure the whole house in sending our condolences to a nurse who died this week? in urging anyone who said support families, and urging the press to continue their largely good record in preserving the privacy of this and as a time of most terrible grief. >> here, here spent i'm indeed sure the whole house and the whole country will join me in paying tribute to this nurse and giving all our sympathies and condolences to her family. she clearly loved her job, love to work, care deeply about the health of her patients and what's happened is a complete tragedy. it will be many lessons the need to be learned and i echo what she says about the press keeping their distance and allowing this family the time it is face to greek. >> dennis skinner. >> -- faced to grief. >> is the prime minister still intending to introduce the snoope
of the nobles should govern the affairs of men. she was looking back to greece and rome and the founding to figure out to figure out how much of the divided opinion as natural, how much is on natural and how do you manage and try to do what you can with what we have in his answer was in theory he would want to go back to monticello. you know those wonderful quotations. we all know them. if i could only be with my books and my farm and my family and at peace and rest of monticello. well, you know the road was open, she could have gone in new york, philadelphia, richmond, paris, london, holland. he was everywhere the action was. he was irresistibly drawn to it because it has a young man he entered into what he called the board election between submission and the sword. the american revolution shaped him and grabbed him in the way that few historical defense i think have grabbed any generation or any man. i think that he thought of the revolution actually almost as an organic thing almost as a child than as an adopted or created by this group of men who would preserve it and make it and nur
and "detroit city is the place to be: the afterlife of an american metropolis" -- rome and greece, sort of when it becomes i have no idea. >> i am -- >> my former neighbor. >> great neighbor. >> my question is i love detroit. tremendously. in love with the city still. back now six years and every day i find something new and fall in love with and in the city and not outside the city and my question is what neighborhood or area do you find most fascinating? this is either the core or the bombshell, you had to go there. >> it is our street. this was a weird moment of serendipity. i was looking for a semi furnished apartment and found that on craigslist and rented the place, the single block at service street which is not far from where you grew up. >> when i grew up the bad things we did -- there were some shops back there. >> i used to make delivery in the butcher shop. >> were people living in a while back then? >> i don't think so. my interaction with the business owners on that street who did not want me and my friends doing what we were doing. >> it change in four years since i've rented tha
like greece. and that's not all that far away. you can have ben bernanke telling you there's no inflation. most americans know that is into right now if you're out there buying milk and groceries and gasoline and rants. you can have a central banker telling you there's no inflation. that's not a problem. you can have a central bank that increases its balance sheet, and printing money, everybody was holding the risk of our bonds, when he is printing those bonds and buying mortgages with that money, at some point in time they will say -- confidence will come. the lack of confidence is going to come where they are not going to -- table caching. they're not going to -- chinese dropped their ownership 10% last year. why did they do that? by teaching the chinese government dropped $150 billion of our debt last year? because they don't have any confidence in what we are doing. and neither do i. that's what i -- i wanted to make a people to see what's going to happen to us when "the debt bomb" explodes. and everything you can on now come you're not going to be able to count on. and
ago. california is greece. it will go bankrupt. it's done. stick a fork in it. it and it came true. why? obama is practicing the california model for the entire nation. and that's what is happening to the country and that's why there are no jobs because in the end, my father, the butcher, had it right. my father the blue collar butcher said, son, ill through hate rich people. nobody poor has ever given me a job. it if you demonize and target and hunt and punish rich people all day they're going go on strike. they're not going create jobs they're not going to make you money, or pay you taxes they leave the country. who left the country this week after i've been saying. denise rich, the biggest democratic contributor in the country. she's now an us a free began citizens who left the country a month ago. the guy who cofounded facebook who left the country with the billions of dollars and he's a singapore residence. these are the people obama likes and they're running from him. so it just shows you no one will be left when he's re-elected. >> you write "the conscience of a libertarian"
and other military aid to other countries. so this particular vessel went to greece. and it was their number one vessel for a long, long time. and until about 1991 when the greek government decided they no longer needed this vessel. within a very short period of time, the destroyer escort sailors' association raised nearly $300,000 to have it towed back to america. it was housed for a short time at the intrepid air, sea, space museum in new york city. when they no longer had room for it, they had to search for a new home, and fortunately, mayor jennings -- who's the mayor of the city here in albany -- felt this would be a wonderful attraction on the waterfront which he was trying to revitalize at the time. and now it's, it's the only destroyer escort still afloat in america in its original world war ii configuration. this is the kind of thing that allows people to see what it was like back then, why there was world war ii and what happened, um, and how valiant the sailors were who served aboard these vessels. it is, it's a remarkable testimony, i think, to the brave ri of the men back in tho
this to the current congress and the news media. we are not spain or greece, we are not totally messed up. there's a country that gets the government to quit screwing that we would do fine over the next 20 years. [applause] imagine the consultant's report. if they cannot and said no we have easily the the situation and you have one act and 14,000 people. you think this is that? [laughter] you think you should be deeply depressed, then consider quitting to the congress that isn't doing well to be worthy of a couple hundred it doesn't deserve your loyalty. why don't you go home. >> these people wanted to be free. and they are prepared to die. when they cross the delaware on christmas night in a desperate last effort before the army seizes to exist, the slogan, the password is a victory or death, and they meant it. it wasn't victory or i will cry for six weeks. it wasn't a victory or not going to watch fox news for a month. it wasn't a victory i think i will pout. [laughter] these people were really passionate. about the idea that freedom was the right god had given them and they were not going to
. the way that we look back and preserve the, you know, some of the ruins in rome and greece. i don't think we want to lose that. you know, as far as what it becomes, i have no idea. sorry. [laughter] >> yeah, back there. >> [inaudible] >> former neighbor. >> exactly. great neighbor, by the way, also. [laughter] my question is, you know, i love detroit, moved to new york also, moved back, and just tremendously in love with the city still. i've been back now for six years, and just, i mean, every day there's shotgun new about the city that i just fall -- something new about the city that i just fall in love with. i live outside the city, but the question is what neighborhood or area did you find most fascinating? just really just wowed, this is the cool or the bomb shell, you know, that you just could not, you know leave out of, and you just had to go there, like, the next day. >> i'll mention two. first, our street. this was another weird moment. i was looking for a sort of semifurnished apartment, found it on craig's list, and there was a single block, you know, a service street, yeah, not
is 2. and he wrote that the great empires, asyria, persian, greece, the roman, the arab empires, the ottoman empires, spain, russia, britain, each flourished for around 250 years, and this seems to be the space allotted for imperial he generalny. too long a period of power leads to decadence, so the empire goes from the pioneers to the innovators, to the bureaucrats, from exploration on exploitation to decadence, the quest for world approval, the welfare state and squabbles over inherited wealth. and a notable feature, he writes, of the declining nations is the loss of physical energy. he suggests, as does the bible, that the state of a human organism is no different than the family. both recapitulate human individual tendencies, and like the individual human, evolve in predictable directions. the human might, indeed can, live to be 120 years, but no longer, and will decay through predict blg stages as will the family, however well ty -- and the state, however powerful. and now we see we in america are at the outword end of sir john gloves' 250 years, and we see the signs. we ha
and people in washington and news media, we're not spain, we're not greece, we're not totally messed up like europe. we would do fine over the next twenty years if we get government to quit screwing up. [applause] but imagine the consult assistant consult ant report if they said general washington, we have you have one ax and 14,000 people. we think this is bad. we think you should be deeply depressed and consider quitting. a congress isn't doing well enough doesn't deserve the loyalty. why don't you go home? they wanted to be free. and they prepared to die. when they crossed dpez on christmas night on a desperate and last effort before the army seizes to exist. the slogan, or pass word is victory or death. and they meant it. it wasn't victory cry or six weeks. or victory or i'm not going watch fox news for a month. it wasn't victory or i think i'll pout. all right people really passionate about the idea that freedom was the right god had given them. they weren't going fail god by giving it up. finally we get to yorktown, the last novel in washington. it's a great gamble. the country is exha
say greece? >> host: what does it mean for the pentagon? >> guest: any program, how did you continue? greece used to be one of the only three great non-u.s. countries, spending about 2% of gdp on national security. we were spending fortified at the time. we are under four. responding to something. they are now below that and having even further south because they simply can't afford it. >> host: new jersey, democratic collar. >> caller: thank you for taking my call. first of all, i am a retired army colonel, executive and also an author. adelle lot of research on the federal budget. whenever we start talking about social security and medicare, the entitlements and relating it to the annual budget deficit, we're making a mistake. no part today in a problem. a problems exist for three principal reasons. the spending increases for the war and other things that we basically did not fund. second, we had a huge loss in employment in 2007 and 2008 where people stop paying taxes and start drawing welfare. number three, we have the tax cuts, both the bush tax cuts and the obama tax cuts which
and to move them in the right direction so that we don't become greece? it's interesting that we talk about the previous panel talk about state government, and one of the big problems in europe is that there is no fiscal coordination among the independent countries, and somewhat to our state, and who has to come along and bail them out when they have not done what they are supposed to do. i don't know that we're all that much different so we have a great panel. people that are far smarter than i am, and i'm going to introduce them all, and ask questions, and i'll ask the pam to keep answers relatively short so we can get through a lot of questions, and still get out of here on time. first of all, we have ali son frasier, director of thomas a. rowe institute for economic studies at the heritage foundation. director -- as director, she oversees the heritage foundation research on a wide range of domestic, economic issues incoming federal spending, taxes, the debt, and the deficit. before joining heritage in 2003, she was deputy director of the oklahoma office of state finance where she worked
and albania as greece is from finland and europe is divided in different ways and has changed quite a lot. i would say there are a few elements though of a communist the communist past that you can see in post-communist countries. sometimes there is a paranoid elements and politics that comes from just a legacy of people being spied on and people having lived in an oppressive system. they are more paranoid about secret deals being done behind their backs. secret deals were done behind their backs and that is untenable and there is an anxiety about being less behind or left out by the west and seem to be inside the western hands. the memory that continues to play out but in truth these countries are more different from one another than they are similar. c-span: you chose three of eight countries behind the iron curtain? and what were the three? >> guest: i chose poland, hungary and east germany? c-span: why those three? >> guest: i chose them because they were different because they have horse -- different historical backgrounds and they had a different political and mostly because they have
with angela merkel insistence on an austerity for greece, spain, italy? >> austerity? yes. there is no way you can do without problem with those various sponsors and sustainably go with the quid pro quo. but to do that to maintain austerity to be bailed out. over the indefinite period. this is where the rubber hits the road. where you need very disciplined policies and willingness to lend on the part of the creditors. they don't trust the borrowers who do not trust but they do for a few months. [inaudible] then a few months later so a little more discipline and a little more money. they said the vote provide the my a plan. but behind all of this side believe there is the enormous sense of commitment probably just in the part of the republic. i almost cannot imagine. and what would happen under this situation in? but with the conviction we've tried hour best but traditionally you cannot kick them while they are down. and a stand but the problem with the european union fed is monetary union's as opposed to the fiscal union. they benefited from the low interest-rate and that meant they allow the
, especially if greece is right that the judicial review is that going to extend to outside organizations. adults think thailand is that close to afghanistan. geographic proximity is the watchword for detention authority to offer that lax judicial review, but i think, as did play a very clear role in legislating for those cases where they're will be constitutionally require judicial review in india think that if there is every concern we might take advantage of the decision, which i think he easily be taken advantage of, congress did say in cases of individuals picked up outside the united states and not in as on of active combat operation, here is some minimal steps toward procedures that the government must follow which would go a long way toward obviating the concerns that tries to raise, leaving the battlefield issues for another day because i don't think the issue is how many people are on the battlefield in afghanistan. the reality is, as our active combat operations wind down, that number is decreasing to zero. the question is, when we picked up pirates in the gulf of aden, when we
, the current news media, we're not spain, we're not greece, we're not totally messed up like europe. this is a country where if we could just get government to quit screwing up, we would do fine over the next 20 years. [applause] but imagine the consultant report if they came out and said, you know, general washington, we've evaluated the situation, and you have one axe and 14,000 people. we think this is bad. [laughter] we think you should be deeply depressed and consider quitting. [laughter] a congress that isn't doing well enough to be worthy of at least a couple hundred axes doesn't deserve your loyalty. why don't you go home. now, these people wanted to be free, and they were prepared to die. when they cross the delaware on christmas night in a desperate last effort before the army ceases to exist, their slogan, their password is victory of death. victory or death. and they meant it. it wasn't victory or i'll cry for six weeks. [laughter] it wasn't victory or i'm not going to watch fox news for a month. [laughter] it wasn't victory or i think i'll pout. [laughter] these people
foundation to see what we can do to improve the fate of our country so we will not become greece. no one is more worried about this nation's unsustainable debt situation than senator demint. i've seen him deinvolve over time to someone who could just not sit quietly, who had to take up the cause. in the 2010 election cycle, he was one of the strongest voices this he had would a lost our way -- that we'd lost our way in washington. jim is a kind, sincere man, an individual who is a joy to be around. when it comes to what's going on in america, jim understands that if we don't make some changes we're going to lose our way of life. that's what's driven him above all else, to try to keep our country a place to be place where you can be anything. i look forward to working with jim in the private sector. from a personal point of view, we've had a great ride together. it has been fun. it has been challenging, and i think we put south carolina on the map in different ways at different times, and to people back in south carolina, i hope if you get to see jim anytime soon, just say "thank you." be
will not become greece. no one is more worried about this nation's unsustainable debt situation than senator demint. i've seen him deinvolve over time to someone who could just not sit quietly, who had to take up the cause. in the 2010 election cycle, he was one of the strongest voices this he had would a lost our way -- that we'd lost our way in washington. jim is a kind, sincere man, an individual who is a joy to be around. when it comes to what's going on in america, jim understands that if we don't make some changes we're going to lose our way of life. that's what's driven him above all else, to try to keep our country a place to be place where you can be anything. i look forward to working with jim in the private sector. from a personal point of view, we've had a great ride together. it has been fun. it has been challenging, and i think we put south carolina on the map in different ways at different times, and to people back in south carolina, i hope if you get to see jim anytime soon, just say "thank you." because whether you agree with him or not, he was doing what he thought was best fo
's and ambassador to greece request that has very specific set of requirements with respect to funding a suspicion i have reviewed and i will say there've been 18 arb is, not a single one of them has ever been fully implemented. so i understand about this process. i'm just saying that the culture within the state department to me is one that needs to be transform. this committee can help. may be the next secretary of state can do. but the fact is there's a lot of work that needs to be done. >> senator menendez? >> thank you, mr. chairman. and i, too, want to say that senator lugar, that he is leaving behind an extraordinary, at this point untreatable serving many of the ways in the future, but an extraordinary career, and a lasting legacy in so many different ways that we appreciate your service, and certainly remember ambassador stevens as the hallmark of what foreign service is all about. you know, our challenge both here at home and abroad in the context of terrorism is that the terrorists have to only be lucky once. we have to get it right 100% of the time. it's a heavy burden. and not an easy o
in very significant fiscal problems. france has to be the poster child, although maybe greece, i guess, would take number wunsch. >> but we do know that the u.s. spends a larger percentage of its gdp on health care than any of the other developed nations by a fairly significant amount. so really tackling that underlying issue of what percent of our economy is going to health care in general is really the key issue. and we should be focused on that, i think, much more than the federal government's portion of it. and in this case where you have a proposal that would actually increase the share of gdp going to health care is taking us in the wrong direction. >> that is assuming that medicare spending equals medicare costs and, again, as somebody who actually ran the program, i'm not assuming that. >> you want to do that one? sure. >> dade, this one is definitely for you specifically and aarp. the question is this: what scoreable savings proposals does aarp support for medicare beyond just better care coordination? does aarp support means testing, combining parts a and b cost sharing or me
greece. at some point the american people are going to say, enough. every american family has to balance their budget. every american family has to make tough decisions. why don't we make some tough decisions, if we want to have things paid for like weather capabilities, like amtrak, like replace federal assets, buying vehicles when we have 660,000 vehicles in the inventory. why don't we start making tough decisions. i often mention that the approval rating that we have of the american people is rather interestingly low. the last one i saw was i 11% approval. no wonder -- no wonder. we're about -- in a matter of literally hours -- to spend about $60 billion of the american taxpayers' money, estimates of some is that it should be around $24 billion. without hearings, without the kinds of scrutiny that it deserves and the normal appropriations process. and i understand why we need some of this money in emergency fashion. but it's like the train leaving the station. it's loaded up with pork, and it's moving and so everybody wants to get on board. it's not the way that the congress should do
to the status of greece? not at all. the simple truth is we are almost close to a position with the status quo would solve our problems. that is to say the expiration of the tax cuts pretty much take care of our intermediate deficit problem and implementation of the cost saving measures strengthened over time in the aca will deal with their long-term health care problem. so we are not that far away and we have other tremendous strengths in our country that would allow us to make the kind of investment to transform the economy, to do with the reality of stagnant wages and a sense of diminished opportunities. we have strengths. we can do it. we need the public to rain and behavior that's destructive and we need political leaders to act forcefully. given enough to bipartisan commissions and searched enough for bipartisan consensus. for sensible hard all politics along these lines. >> norm, i particularly cutie take the money question. a couple political had a great shared that showed that party polarization in congress was directly correlated with increasing concentrations of wealth from increasi
do to improve the fate of our country so we will not become greece. no one is more worried about this nation's unsustainable debt situation than senator demint. i've seen him deinvolve over time to someone who could just not sit quietly, who had to take up the cause. in the 2010 election cycle, he was one of the strongest voices this he had would a lost our way -- that we'd lost our way in washington. jim is a kind, sincere man, an individual who is a joy to be around. when it comes to what's going on in america, jim understands that if we don't make some changes we're going to lose our way of life. that's what's driven him above all else, to try to keep our country a place to be place where you can be anything. i look forward to working with jim in the private sector. from a personal point of view, we've had a great ride together. it has been fun. it has been challenging, and i think we put south carolina on the map in different ways at different times, and to people back in south carolina, i hope if you get to see jim anytime soon, just say "thank you." because whether you agre
they got a tax credit for hiring people if we get this under control so we are not talking about greece and we are not talking ourselves to death. the fiscal sanity then yes, why, because we have markets for products and services i predicted at that point that act would be right where we are are going to be at the end of this year. we had a year-and-a-half to come and work together and build a bridge so that we wouldn't fall off the cliff. and what did we do? electioneered waiting until they are over. when he elections are more important than governing this country coming to get into the trouble that we are in. it's not just wild spending. it's not just tax loopholes. it's about governing and fiscally managing things as you go along. and it doesn't just have to be in the white house, it has to be in congress as well. >> given the frustrations in the process, if a grandchild can to you and said i want to go into politics, would you be discouraging of their intent? >> i would be straight forward with them. when i decided i wanted to run for governor, somebody asked me if my skill was big
in greece and spain. imagine what the minority unemployment would be if we had a 25% unemployment rate on average. we see pensions being cut without any notice at all. we see social price ramps slashed. so i would think if we can convince the representatives of the so-called disadvantaged groups that there is at least some probability that that will happen to us, i would say a certainty that will happen to us eventually if we don't do something about the situation, i would think there would be much more sober in their demands. but at this moment i don't see it. >> i would say, you know, that a lot of this is, you know, if we are talking inside the beltway, that is a different conversation of we go outside the beltway. part of the disservice that the debate is having today is that it is -- it is steering away from what the real issues are, the most pressing issue, which is the potential for a sovereign debt crisis and more optimistic. you know, steering the conversation away from that. and it is not helping ordinary americans understand what the threat is over a somewhat longer term. of
maybe greece would take number one. >> we to know that the u.s. spends a larger percentagpercentag e of gdp on health care than any other developed nation by fairly significant amount. really tackling that underlying issue of what percent of our economy is going to health care in general is really the key issue and we should be focused on that much more than the federal government's portion of it and in this case we have a proposal that would actually increase the share of gdp going to help her, taking us in the wrong direction. >> that is assuming that medicare spending with medicare costs and again as somebody usa ran the program -- [inaudible] >> this one is definitely for you specifically and aarp. the question is this. what scorable savings proposal does aarp support or for medicare, beyond better coordination does aarp support means testing, combining parts a and beet are sharing our medigap reform or anything else? >> i think it's important to remind everybody that we recently had a large health care bill called the affordable care act which include $720 billion in medicare sa
in greece. so by all means, let's complete a deal today so we can go home. let's complete a deal. let's raise taxes. let's stick it to those rich people. let's not touch spending. and let's pretend as if we've done something. the deal will do absolutely nothing to save this country. two-thirds of your spending up here is entitlement. the president has taken entitlement off the table. we will not reform the entitlement programs. why are the entitlement programs broken? is it republicans' fault or democrats' fault? no, it's your great-grandparents' fault. they had too many kids. it has nothing to do with partisan politics. there were a whole bunch of babies born after the war and then there have been less babies born with each generation. it's nobody's fault but it's not working. we spend more on social security than comes in in taxes. that's a problem. on medicare it's even worse. we spend $3 for every $1 you collect in medicare. anybody think that's going to work? it's been going on for a long time now, and it's getting worse. we owe $35 trillion to $40 trillion on medicare and it's n
at the university of virginia. is also the co-author of arthur ashes fetching memoir, titled days of greece. rampersad is a professor in the humanities america's at stanford, and these help fellowships of the mccarthy, guggenheim and rockefeller. he's an elected member of the american academy of arts and sciences, and the american philosophical society. 2010, he received the national humanities center, which was presented to them by president obama in a ceremony at the white house in 2011, the nation's highest honor conferred upon a human. arnold rampersad has been a model and a mentor for literary scholars for more than three decades, and i include myself among that number. among those of us indebted to him for his insistence upon the university, for his insistence upon the universality of stance, of truth for the capital, and beauty with a capital b., and as dubois would have a. he combines the fullest embrace of his biographical subject humanity, with the courage to confront the fullest range of that humanity. qualities that are all too rare, even among our most lauded biographers. quali
of greece? not at all. the simple truth is we are almost close to a position with the status quo would solve our problems. that is to say the expiration of the tax cuts pretty much take care of our intermediate deficit problem and implementation of the cost saving measures strengthened over time in the aca will deal with their long-term health care problem. so we are not that far away and we have other tremendous strengths in our country that would allow us to make the kind of investment to transform the economy, to do with the reality of stagnant wages and a sense of diminished opportunities. we have strengths. we can do it. we need the public to rain and behavior that's destructive and we need political leaders to act forcefully. given enough to bipartisan commissions and searched enough for bipartisan consensus. for sensible hard all politics along these lines. >> norm, i particularly cutie take the money question. a couple political had a great shared that showed that party polarization in congress was directly correlated with increasing concentrations of wealth from increasing equality
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